" ... I am still volunteering at the local school, I am active in my church, and I enjoy my weekly coffee hours at the town cafe - I am determined not to leave St. James. I was born here and I am going to die here!"

" ... We had lived on a farm forty-seven years. After my husband's passing away I did not want to live alone on the farm and be responsible for lawn mowing, snow removal, home maintenance."

" ... I want to have control over my life style with being able to live as privately as I might desire but yet having the sociability of close neighbors when desired. My housing needs must be simplified so I feel my house is in order at this stage of life. I want to feel a part of a community because my spouse has died and my family lives miles away. My neighbors are my extended family."

" ... I want to live in my own home and take care of myself as long as I can."

" ... We should have made this move a long time ago. If we had only known."

These concerns and aspirations are expressed by older adults who live in rural cooperative housing. Older adults in rural communities want to stay in their home communities where their children were raised, land was tilled, lifetime friends remain and sense of "home" exists. However, housing in rural America remains a concern. Many older adults express a desire to live in their own homes but services are not always available and many homes are not safe or functional for older adults in aging years. Statistics show that older adults, especially in rural communities, are likely to live in older dwellings that require much maintenance and are not easily adapted to meet the special needs of the aging population. Older rural adults are also more likely to live in poorer housing than their urban counterparts (Bull, 1993). Housing for older adults in rural communities remains a dilemma and influences the quality of life of these older adults. There are several housing alternatives for older adults and one possible option is rural cooperative housing. This study provides a foundation and a framework for communities examining rural cooperative housing options for their rural older populations.

Statement of the Problem

The problem of providing viable, functional housing options for older rural adults continues to be an intractable and crucial question which invites much attention and requires serious consideration by the older adults making housing decisions and the communities involved in the planning and policy making. To compound the problem, the older adult population has tripled since 1900 and the most rapid increase is predicted to occur between the years 2010 and 2030 when the "baby boomers" reach 65. The American population is getting older and the number of older adults is increasing at a rapid pace. Therefore, the demand for more and better housing options has surfaced as a major older adult issue. Alarmingly, there is little evidence that adequate senior housing options have increased appropriately. Several gaps in the knowledge and research of this housing issue remain untouched.

Stevens-Long and Commons (1992) indicated that at the time of the writing of their book, Adult Life, no correlational research existed on satisfaction of elderly living in conventional, condominium, cooperative, or mobile housing. Studies of housing projects and developed communities suggest that life satisfaction and social behavior are positively correlated to one's environment. Research incorporating housing and a physical health variable have shown contrasting results - positive effects and no evidence of improvement (Dorfman, Heckert, Hill, & Kohout, 1988; Hong & Duff, 1994; O'Brien, Hassinger, Dershem, 1994). Satisfaction with home is distinct from, but related to attachment to place - the way in which lives and environmental features are subjectively intertwined (Stevens-Long and Commons, 1992). Research is beginning to identify the variables that relate to home and quality of life.

Purpose and Objectives of the Study

The purpose of this study was to describe the quality of life of older adults living in a housing option referred to as rural cooperative housing. The following objectives were identified to lend direction and strength to several interests currently being explored:

1. Identify the reasons why older adults choose to move to cooperative housing.

2. Describe the effects living in rural cooperative housing has on older adults.

3. Describe the personal characteristics of older adults living in rural cooperative housing.

4. Determine the quality of life of the HOMESTEAD residents.

The purpose of this study was to subjectively and objectively describe quality of life factors among older adults living in rural cooperative housing. If older adults, families of older adults, community developers, sociologists, demographers, etc. had a better understanding of the quality of life of older adults in rural cooperative housing, they might be able to better determine the best type of housing to insure a better quality of life among older adults wanting to remain in their rural communities.

Definition of Terms

There are terms specific to this study that require an explanation as to how they are interpreted within this research work. These terms are listed and defined both constitutively and operationally.

Quality of Life. This independent variable depicts a feeling of enjoyment and contentment about stage in life that is linked with variables such as self-esteem, social network interaction, health, and control of life. Quality of life is linked with life satisfaction which implies an act of judgement, a comparison of what people have to what they expect in terms of their whole life or some specific part of it. The more their achievements exceed their aspirations, the greater the quality of life. Quality of life has a past orientation, an evaluation of how things have gone up to the present (Neugarten, Havighurst, Tobin, 1961). Quality of life was operationally defined by nine statements in the 32-item questionnaire. A three-point Likert scaling technique quantified a respondent's affirmation of positive/negative effect statements about attitudes toward quality of life. Respondents located his/her position on a continuum ranging from "negative effect" to "no effect" to "positive effect". Responses for all quality of life items were summated and a mean quality of life score was calculated. Multiple choice questions explored individual characteristics associated with quality of life among older adults living in the rural HOMESTEAD housing communities in Minnesota and Iowa. Focus group interviews were conducted in two HOMESTEAD communities in Minnesota adding to the qualitative research concept of quality of life.

Rural. The United States Bureau of the Census defines rural as open country and communities with populations of 2,500 residents or less. One of every four persons age 65 and older reside in rural areas of farms or small towns of 2,500 or less (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Urban Development, 1991). Respondents indicated their previous home location by checking one of six categories: rural, farming area; small town; town; small city; city; and large city. Each response category was accompanied with population size.

Nonmetropolitan. The United States Bureau of the Census describes nonmetropolitan areas based on population density of a county that has a city with a population of 50,000 or less (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Urban Development, 1991).

Metropolitan or Urban. The United States Bureau of the Census categorizes metropolitan or urban as counties that have either a city with a population of at least 50,000 and a total metropolitan statistical area population of at least 100,000 (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Urban Development, 1991).

Older adult. A term referring to people 65 years and older (AARP & AoA, 1994).

Cooperative. A cooperative is a business controlled by the people who use it. It is a democratic organization whose earnings and assets belong to its members. By patronizing and becoming an active member of a co-op, individuals invest in themselves with the power to shape that business (U. S. Department of Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperative Service, 1988).

HOMESTEAD Housing Cooperative. HOMESTEAD Cooperatives are designed to provide fully accessible homes for independent living, with basic support services, for their member owners. The owners are cooperative shareholders and owners of the buildings, grounds and govern its operations. They receive the same economic benefits as single-family home ownership: equity preservation/appreciation, deductibility of interest and/or real estate taxes, and control of operations (HOMESTEAD Housing Center, 1994). A cooperative value was operationally defined by 12 statements in the 32-item questionnaire. A three-point Likert scaling technique quantified a respondent's affirmation of statements influencing respondents decision to move to a HOMESTEAD Cooperative. Respondents located their position on a continuum ranging from influenced me; somewhat influenced me; did not influence me. Responses for all 12 cooperative statements were summated and a mean cooperative score calculated. Focus group interviews also addressed the cooperative issue contributing to the qualitative focus of the research design.

Significance of the Problem

The argument in support of this research - what is the quality of life of older adults living in rural cooperative housing - offers many implications in older adult research. Identifying the variables that correlate to quality of life helps gerontologists predict the future social and life temperament of the older adult population. Will cooperative living facilitate satisfying retirement years for older adults? When the rural dimension is introduced, will the issue of where to house rural older adults come into play? These questions will be concerns older adults, gerontologists, community developers, and policy makers will need to explore in integrating rural older adults to local communities, increasing the quality of life, maintaining social structures, encouraging independence, and preserving "rurality".

In 1900, just over three million Americans were 65 years of age or older. The seven decades that have since passed bear witness to rather remarkable changes in population dynamics. Today, approximately one in eight Americans is 65 years of age or older and comprised 12.7% of the United States population. This means that 33 million Americans are 65 or older. United States Census Bureau (l989a) predicts that this one in eight will grow to one in six by the year 2020 and one in five in 2050. By the year 2020, the older adult population will total 53.3 million, an increase of 63% over the 1994 population of 33 million. Among other things, rapid advances in medical technology have made dramatic differences in life expectancy. An individual born in 1990 can anticipate a life span 24 years longer than his or her counterpart born at the turn of the century.

This study focused on the older adult living in rural communities which necessitates a definition of rural and a description of the rural American population. "Rural" and "nonmetropolitan" are used in many studies interchangeably, although the two terms have different statistical interpretations. Nonmetropolitan areas are based on population density of a county that has a city with a population of 50,000 or less. The census defines rural as open country and communities of under 2,500 persons. Of the 33 million people age 65 and older in 1994, nine million or 27% lived in nonmetropolitan areas. This nonmetropolitan older adult population was 16% of the total population living in nonmetropolitan counties. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census (1989a), the older adult population in nonmetropolitan areas grew by 11% (seven million to eight million) in the 1980's, whereas the total population in nonmetropolitan areas declined by two percent (57 million to 56 million). Some demographers have described that as size of place and proximity to urban areas increase, the percentage concentration of older adults decreases (Clifford, Heaton, Voss, & Fuguitt, 1985). Many studies show older adults tend to be concentrated in center-city parts of urban areas and in rural areas (Lawton, 1980; Tierney, 1987; Golant, 1992). Glasgow (1988) reported the percentage of elderly in rural areas generally is higher in villages with fewer than 2,500 residents and lowest in large towns and open countryside. One reason for this concentration of older adults in rural villages is from farmers moving into town after they retire, reducing the farm population while increasing village and small town populations with older adults (Glasgow, 1988).

Change in the age structure of American society may be even more marked in years to come. American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) and Association on Aging (AoA) demographics show the older adult profile changing - the older adult population itself is getting older (AARP and AoA, 1994). Since 1900 the number of older adults between 65-75 (young-old) have increased 8 times when compared to 1990 figures, increased 14 times between the ages of 75-85 (middle-old), and 27 times for adults 85 and older (old-old). Statistics show a slight tendency for greater proportions of the (old-old) category to live in rural areas than urban. If these demographic patterns of distribution continue, the rural picture will show an increased concentration of old-old (U.S. Senate Special Committee of Aging, 1985).

A limited number of research studies have addressed quality of life issues of rural older adults and its relationship to rural cooperative living. Recent studies have documented that community attachment is related to a variety of adjustment measures and emotional well-being variables among older persons (Klein, 1993; Hong & Duff, 1994; O'Brien, Hassinger, & Dershem, 1994). A considerable number of studies on older adult satisfaction have focused on the comparison between quality of life and community attachment to city, suburban, or rural areas (Davensport & Davensport, 1984; Dorfman, Heckert, Hill, & Kohout, 1988; Goudy, 1990; Hong & Duff, 1994). Many urban older adult characteristics differ from their rural counterparts. A higher percent of rural older adults are married than urban adults, and rural areas experience a lower economic base and a less dense population (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census & U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1991). Researchers (Davensport & Davensport, 1984) frequently identified central cities and rural areas as places with a higher incidence of elderly home-satisfaction problems. Cities, for example, are often depicted as having older deteriorating housing, unsafe streets, poverty, homelessness, and a socially isolated and lonely older adult population. In comparison, the rural older adult counterparts have lower incomes, older housing, poorer health, limited access to health services, restricted access to transportation, and isolation from children and other family members (Davensport & Davensport, 1984; Willitis, Bealer & Timbers, 1990; Klein, 1993). Thus, one may wonder why the rural seniors express a greater sense of satisfaction about life than that of their urban comparisons. Many researchers postulate that social ties are stronger among the older rural than urban populations (Dorfman, Heckert, Hill, & Kohout, 1988; Goudy, 1990; Hong & Duff, 1994).

Rural and urban preferences can be explained by sociological theories. The theories on rural and urban differences propose speculations and relationships of the rural-urban continuum and satisfaction-discontent continuum. As early as 1957, Toennies divided society into two basic kinds of social relationships - gemeinschaft and gesellschaft (Davensport & Davensport, 1984). Families, neighborhoods, friendship groups and the way people relate in a sense of a common bond is termed gemeinschaft. The latter term is described as serving ones own best interest with little sentiment involved. Toennies (1957) believed that although both relationships usually exist at the same time, gemeinschaft was more prevalent in the small rural community and gesellschaft best depicted in the city. O'Brien, Hassinger, and Dershem (1994) among others have speculated that quality of life variables have a strong positive correlation with community attachment.

Two competing aging theories, disengagement theory and activity theory, surfaced as foundations to aging successfully (Lemon, Bengston & Peterson, 1972; Schaie & Willis, 1986). Both emphasized the importance of having roles to fill, specific activities and statuses in society that marked one as "worthwhile". The two theories, however, proposed different ways to insure that older adults felt fulfilled in their present roles. While both shared few similarities, they both propounded the importance of housing-selection and quality of life in the older adult population which will be discussed later in this study.

Research findings to date often find positive correlations between housing for the elderly and general quality-of-life satisfaction, involvement in community and on-site activities, and the quality of socio-behavioral relations (Goudy, 1990; Golant, 1992; Stevens-Long and Commons, 1992; Klein, 1993). These same studies suggest the extent to which older residents feel they can exert some control over their housing environment may also be predictive of their enhanced self-esteem and social involvement.

Limitations of Study

Limitations do present some concern in this study of the quality of life among older adults living in rural cooperative housing. An exhausting search was made to locate research addressing rural cooperative housing and the outcome was very limiting. Only seven rural cooperative housing units for older adults exist in the United States and these are located in Minnesota and Iowa. All of the units are members of one cooperative corporation called HOMESTEAD Housing Center and have been in operation for only three years. Some similarities can be made to "congregate housing" which will be discussed in Chapter two's review of literature.

Likewise, limited research exists addressing the quality of life issues among "rural" older adults; however, assumptions can be made examining the studies of nonmetropolitan and urban older adults. There is no doubt that rural, nonmetropolitan, and urban cultures have grown in similarity during the last few decades. Increased education, communication, technology, and transportation have opened the door to residents of small towns and rural areas. Due to the growing similarities, the studies and theories discussed in the review of literature provides the foundation in older adult development in all regions of the country with strong inference made to rural older adult studies.

This research document is organized into five chapters supported by the appendix and list of references. The introduction to the research problem has been summarized in this chapter. Chapter Two reviews the literature and documents much of the research done on age-segregated housing options, quality of life factors among older adults, theoretical perspectives on aging and rural/urban differences. Chapter Three addresses the quantitative and qualitative methodology approach to the research problem. Chapter Four highlights the research findings followed by the summary and recommendations in Chapter Five.